The BUgis of Indonesia

- Episode 10- english dubbed Transcript

Georgie Williams, voiceover: This is the English dubbed episode of The Bugis of Indonesia. If you wish to listen to the version with the undubbed interview in Bahasa Indonesia, please select the episode marked ‘NO DUB’ in brackets.

On Sulawesi, the third largest island of Indonesia, there resides three major ethic groups. The most numerous of these groups is the Bugis- an Islamic community comprising over six million Indonesian citizens. The Bugis are a politically engaged and historically influential community, with multiple Indonesian presidents having been ethnically Buginese- but what has drawn the attention of anthropologists, sociologists and queer researchers is something completely unique to the Bugis people. The Bugis recognise five genders and three sexes. We have arrived here in Jakarta to speak with a Bugis individual and women’s rights worker ask an important question- how does a five gender, three sex social system operate, and how has a changing world and a changing sociopolitical climate in Indonesia impacted the Buginese way of life? Welcome to episode 10 of /Queer. You’re here with me, your host, Georgie Williams. 

According to an array of anthropological writings, here is a belief in Bugis society that all five of their genders must coexist harmoniously for their community and for the wider world to be in balance. Of these five genders, some are recognisable from a Western perspective, whilst others are not. It’s worth us breaking these genders down for a second so that we can understand how this system differs from a western gender binary, within which gender and sex have long been synonymised.

Makunrai is the closest to what we would consider to be a cisgender woman- a woman identifying with her assigned gender at birth. Urané is the male equivalent of this. However, it is important to remember that the parameters within which maleness and femaleness are defined are culturally subjective, so the terms ‘man’ and ‘woman’ should be considered a loose fit- translation is an imperfect practice, even at the best of times. Calabai is similar to a transgender woman but not the same. This is an identity which leans towards androgyny instead of being an individual assigned female at birth who identifies as, and, by extension, is a man. Comparatively, Calalai is similar to a transgender man but also not the same, with this element of androgyny coming into play as well. Bissu the fifth of these terms, denotes an individual who is absolved and abstracted from maleness or femaleness. Many Bissu, but not all, are intersex. Intersex is an umbrella term denoting any individuals with chromosomal variations such as XXY, XYY, XXXY and so on, as well as individuals with ambiguous primary or secondary sex characteristics. The intersex individuals most easily recognised at birth are those with ambiguous primary sex characteristics such as their genitalia. As intersexuality exists in 1.7% of the world’s population, that means over 1 in 100 of us is intersex, which is approximately the same occurence rate as being a redhead. In the majority of cultures and countries around the world, intersex individuals are assigned male or female at birth, despite not being male or female in sex, and have an F or M placed on their birth certificate incorrectly. However, the Bugis recognise this third sex and, as a consequence, these individuals are not expected to identify as any conception of male and female if that is not their true identity. Unfortunately in this particular episode we do not have the time to entirely unpack the issues surrounding intersex welfare, visibility and the intersex rights movement as we will in a later episode, but it’s important to keep in mind how the Bugis can be upheld as an inclusive, progressive community in this regard.

There is only so much I can tell you about what it means to live under a five gender, three sex social system- which is why we will be going straight to our interviewee for this episode to learn more. Our interviewee, Pino, is Bugis, her father coming from Makassar- the capital of South Sulawesi- and her mother being Bugis. She identifies as Calalai and although she has been living in Jakarta on the island of Java for several years now, she was enthusiastic to tell me about what gender presentation and expression looks like within the Bugis community, who are found predominantly within South Sulawesi. She currently works for the National Commission, one of three major human rights organisations based in Indonesia, as part of their Violence Against Women programme. 

The following interview was conducted in Bahasa Indonesia so, with the help of our fantastic interpreters, we will be dubbing over the interview in English. As stated at the beginning of this episode, an undubbed episode is also available for our Indonesian listeners.

Georgie Williams, in interview: Okay, Pino so what can you tell me about gender works in Bugis communities?

Pino, in interview: In my community, I am an ethnically Makassar Bugis person. Why do we mention the Bugis Makassar tribe? Because my father came from the Makassar culture and my mother came from the Bugis culture. Because in our place in South Sulawesi there are four cultures that have developed and become the inheritance of each person living in South Sulawesi- Makassar, Bugis, Toraja, and Mandar. So, if we talk about gender diversity in Bugis, then, it is our legacy, that we have this variety of people whose expression is accepted in our culture. The culture does not reject the existence of gender diversity, for example, if am a man born with a penis, then I grow up socially as a man, and I perform a male style or masculine style as my habit, but also in Bugis, it would be acceptable if I was a man who acted or expressed themself like a woman. It would also be accepted if I was a woman born with a vagina who acted masculine. Our identities are not only recognized, also are named . A woman is "Makunrai". A person who was born as a woman but socially plays a role as a man or masculine expression is "Calalai". Then if I was a male born with a penis and socially I acted masculine, then I am "Urane", but if I was male but socially I expressed and acted feminine, I am "Calabai". Those names are given, so they are not only recognized but also they are named. Urane, Calalai, Calabai, Makunrai. People also say there is the fifth name, but this fifth name denotes gender diversity- it is a meta-gender category called Bissu. Bissu is not just a gender role but also a chief of tradition and it is much more recognized by my community in Bugis as a Priest. Why? Because in almost all aspects of life there is a tradition involved. So if I want to plant rice, I have to ask the Bissu to perform traditional rituals, so the rice that I want to plant will successfully grow and be eaten, consumed by both myself and my community in Bugis. But Bissu has another role besides being a priest or traditional leader- they can not only perform as the male or female gender but they must go beyond that, which we call meta-gender. That is because in gender there are power relations. When men are more powerful than women, that is a power dynamic that should not exist. Bissu cannot participate in these power-relations, because they have to communicate to God or a being who blesses this world, or Dewa. Because God or Dewa only accepts people who do not participate in these power-relations as male or female or something else. Bissu must let go of the power and identity attached to sex or gender roles.

Georgie Williams, in interview: So, to go on to my next question. Do you feel like there might be changes to Bugis gender expression because of outside cultural influences?

Pino, in interview: Maybe, because there is the influence of political power in Indonesia that meant that the gender diversity taking place in Bugis was not known about for generations. Because there was a period where this practice was abolished for 30 years, one regime came to power in Indonesia, the Soeharto Regime. This kind of practice has begun to be eliminated because it is considered unacceptable by one of the major political forces, but that is only politics, not because of culture, only politics. But in some cultures, the role of bissu, for example, is still used. The terms of Calalai and Calabai are still used in Bugis, but then they are difficult to present in economic or cultural contexts because they are considered to have been ‘written off’ by a political force that wants to sanctify Islamic values ​​in Bugis society. An example of this is the belief that the Bugis community should not use excessive rituals that promote their specific culture when they are Muslim. So if one is Muslim then they must return to true, fundamental Muslim teachings. This is what restricts them from performing the traditional rituals as the role of bissu. They are looking for a safe space in their respective places. If they meet others who play masculine roles or who play feminine roles, then they have Calalai or Calabai in their community- but out in public they still play a role assigned at birth. For example, if he was born as a man with a penis then he will pretend to be a cisgender male and if she was born with a vagina, then she will pretend to be a cisgender female. This role is played so that they are safe, so they must find a secure space to play their true roles. So this was not really understood by the common people at the time. But nothing has changed, gender diversity still exists in Bugis, this is still understood. So, now that the regime in power for 32 years is starting to disappear and democracy is starting to be elevated, people have returned to understanding their culture again. Where is our culture? The ones that were Urane, Makunrai, Calalai, Calabai, and Bissu have begun to be found again. It is also necessary to be grateful for the culture that is performed on the theater stage or music stage which brings back the value of gender diversity into the art space or in the intellectual space on campus until now we are exploring it again. Various researchers have come to express, for example, that at first they were only looking for bissu, but with studying bissu, they were finally able to find this gender diversity in Bugis. Some people write in books about this and do extensive research, and there are also those who just perform it abroad and finally it is known by the whole world that in Bugis there is gender diversity. So, for us, women who are part of a social movement or women’s rights movement, this must be fun for us, why? Because other people often see feminists as teaching from the West, their thoughts from the West, even though feminists have their roots in Indonesia. So feminists do not always come from the West. But we can also explore feminists from our local culture. Well, feminist values, for example talking about women's leadership with gender diversity, and we can recognize women's leadership in our country. So, female leaders have physically existed in South Sulawesi. For example, there have been many Queens that ruled the kingdoms here. So if we want to see history, there is a lot of history in Bugis, Tanah Bugis or Tanah Makassar or Tanah Mandar they have women leaders. Now, the question now is, is this feminist? Yes, this is feminist. Because we learn to dig into our culture, where women can become leaders, become women as leaders. In Indonesia during the Dutch colonial era we can see Indonesians play the gender roles that women existed only in the realm of domestic and men in the public sphere. But women can serve in the public sphere with them being leaders.

Georgie Williams in interview: Thank you so much, that is such- as of what I understood, that was fantastic. So my final question is, what do you want of people outside the community and outside Indonesia to understand about Bugis' Gender Diversity?

Pino, in interview: What I hope is that the world will know there is gender diversity in Indonesia. Actually, not only from Bugis but there are other cultures from Indonesia that also talk about gender diversity. Although Bugis is documented all over the world and written down and then researched, it is scrutinized to become study material at universities or performed on world stages such as Lagaligo or for example, like Indonesians performing artwork outside of Indonesia, then they introduce the meaning of bissu, then they introduce gender diversity so people can learn. Many people can find it in Indonesia. Now, this is what I want, what I want to say to people around the world that this is what gender expression is about. Gender roles don’t have to be determined by sexual orientation and gender roles can just be performed roles, for example men don't always have to be outside the house and women do not always have to be inside the house. Because placing everything in a rigid box, a man who becomes a cisgender male or a woman who becomes a cisgender female don't have to be heterosexual or homosexual, they can chose their own place they want to be, and people shouldn't really have to know. Because my sexual orientation is my privacy, also we shouldn’t generalize sexual orientation, gender, or gender roles. They can be different and fluid. If I feel that i'm a woman, I don't have to be feminine, I'm female but I'm not feminine, I'm masculine or I'm androgynous, I can play that role Like i want. So I can be androgynous and female, or masculine or I can be feminine. Even though I am a woman who is born with a vagina, I play my social role as masculine or androgynous. The issue of sexual orientation does not need to be discussed because it is my private matter and so on- but there is no box in this world that has to be the same, but the box can be melted into something as diverse as the various genders.

Georgie Williams, in interview: fantastic Pino, thank you very much for your time.

Georgie Williams, voiceover: Speaking to a Bugis person directly, particularly somebody who has been involved in gender at a professional level as Pino has, opens doors to understanding how gender, spirituality and power are inextricably interlinked- not only in the Bugis community, but in communities around the world. Before this conversation with Pino, I myself was unfamiliar with the concept of a meta-gender; a gender identity which transcends and is abstracted from both the concepts of masculinity and femininity but also from the power dynamics and relations present between these two concepts. Of course, the idea of disentangling oneself from matters of gender and sexuality in order to ascend to a state of piety or religious purity is not new or confined exclusively to Bugis culture. We see this in the clerical and monastic celibacy often practiced within Catholicism and Buddhism, we see divinity associated with the third gender or third sex hijras under Hinduism, we see gender variant individuals within various pacific island communities being both ridiculed and respected as spiritual intermediaries. However, most communities do not believe that one must be absolved from gendered power relations in order to convene with their god. Christianity, amongst other major organised religions, has thrived on the organisation of power through patriarchal practices. Men have continually been placed at the top of religious hierarchies, and through this been provided with avenues into politics and economics that facilitate exploitation and the enforcement of unjust and unequal social norms. The US is a prime example of where religion and state overlap and, within that overlap, we see the normalised subordination of non-males, predominantly women. There is perhaps something to admire in how the Bugis believe that gendered power relations have no place in their spiritual practices.

As we have discussed over the past three episodes covering gender and sexuality variance in Indonesia, any presumed deviation from a gender binary and heteronormativity is often misconstrued, both by conservative Indonesians and outsiders, as a sign of unwelcome modernity or Western influence. In fact, what is occurring in Indonesia as these gender and sexuality variant communities push for visibility and recognition is the process of reterritorialization. If we were to define deterritorialization as the separation of social, cultural and political practices from a location, then reterritorialization would describe the reclamation of these social, cultural and political practices within that location- re-establishing one’s territory through facets of their community or country’s identity which have been lost, dispersed or removed. Sometimes, deterritorialization is passive and presents itself through migration and the sharing of cultural practices. Sociologist Gil-Manuel Hernandez has argued that deterritorialization is a feature of cultural globalization and globalized modernity but, it is pertinent that we also consider how gender and sexuality variant practices in Indonesia were impacted by Dutch colonialism. Framing all deterritorialization as a feature of modernity implies that progress is made through communities losing many of their identifying features and differences and, in this space left by that loss, having imposed what the globalizing powers presume to be modern practices and norms. Deterritorialization through colonial practices paves the way for whitewashing and the erasure of indigenous histories and customs. Reterritorializing Indonesia as a place of gender and sexuality variance- through media, theatre and education is an act of resistance and of traditionalism- re-establishing Indonesia as a diverse and inclusive country in its recovery from Dutch colonialism. 

When we understand how the Bugis have fostered this harmonious community of gender, sexuality and sex inclusivity, we can no longer subscribe to the misapprehension that Indonesia or any country in South East Asia are merely following the West’s lead in the queer rights movement. The west does not pave the way towards recognising and establishing gender and sex diversity- we are simply learning to unpack gender and sex like the Bugis did many centuries ago. If anything, when Pino talks about “melting the box” of gender, she is talking about boxes which have been imposed predominantly by the West through colonialism. The gender and sexual landscape of Indonesia is changing; and this change is a product of both desired modernity and traditionalist beliefs and values. There may be much yet that needs to change before gender and sexuality variant individuals have the rights and freedoms they deserve but, if one thing is evident from our time spent in this heterogeneous and complex country it is this- the West may yet have some catching up to do before we too are capable of honouring and recognising our gender variant citizens as we should. And if we were to take a leaf out of any community’s book, perhaps we could stand to learn a little about inclusivity, diversity and respect from the Buginese of Indonesia. 

This episode of the /Queer Podcast was edited by Sam Clay and scripted and produced by me, Georgie Williams. A very special thanks to our interviewee, Pino, for her contributions to this episode, our interpreters June and Ai, and a special shout out to my postgraduate anthropology lecturer Nick Long, who first taught me about this community several years ago now, and helped nurture my passion for matters of international gender variance. As this project leaves Indonesia behind to continue in the United Kingdom, I want to take a moment to thank our Patreon subscribers who have supported this project travelling 37,526 miles around the world. That’s 1.5 times round the circumference of the earth. During this time we have had the fortune to hear such incredible stories from inspiring individuals across the globe, and we’re nowhere near finished. With episodes in the UK and Ireland still to come in this season, we’re excited to keep bringing you more case studies exploring what queer culture and history looks like on a local and a global level. If you’re not a Patron and you want to contribute to travel costs, production costs or just buying the /Queer team a cup of tea, you can visit the /Queer Patreon at patreon.com/slashqueer. That’s S-L-A-S-H Queer. The link is also available on our Facebook, Instagram and Twitter pages. Additionally, we are still selling our first set of /Queer merch, with the /Queer logo available in various pride flag colours across t shirts, mugs, face masks and more. You can check us out at slashqueer.threadless.com/ and, on top of all that, if you fancy throwing us a few pennies as a one off donation you can donate to the /Queer research project at ko-fi.com/slashqueer- that’s ko hyphen fi.com, forward slash, slashqueer. If you can’t give anything right now, a like, a subscription or a share also means the world to us. We’re just happy to have you on board.

This episode was recorded on location in Jakarta, Indonesia. Music in this episode was composed by Kevin MacLeod. If you enjoyed this episode or have any feedback, please get in touch on Instagram or Twitter at @SlashQueer or email us at slashqueer@outlook.com. As we have said since the very start of this all- in the meantime stay kind, stay radical and stay queer.